Dr. Howard Fuller: Consummate Community
Organizer, Pan-Africanist, and Education Reformer
"Understanding the Relationship Between Struggle and Progress"
A Presentation at Blair-Caldwell Library
by Annette Walker
"No Struggle, No Progress", the title of Dr. Howard Fuller's new
book, is a metaphor for his fifty years of organizing for social justice for the
African-American community.
He
was inspired by the words of Frederick Douglass: "Power concedes
nothing without demand. It never did, and it never will."
"So struggle we must," Fuller said at a recent presentation held at
the Blair-Caldwell African-American Research Library.
"Understanding the relationship between struggle and progress is what
propelled me down dark alleys and dirt roads in some of North Carolina's
poorest communities in the 1960s, and pushed me into the bush, mountains, and
war-torn villages of Africa nearly a decade later," he stated at the event
sponsored by Democrats for education Reform. "It is what pushes me
still in the fight over one of the most contentious education issues of this
era: parental choice."
Fuller also founded Malcolm X Liberation University in 1969 and was a Black
Power advocate with an African name: Owusu Sadaukai. "I got involved
in the African Liberation Movement in the early 1970s and later even studied
Marxism as a union organizer," he said.
A native of Shreveport, Louisiana who grew up in Milwaukee, Fuller
resolved to dedicate himself to the African-American struggle for social change
as soon as he graduated from college in 1962. The Civil Rights Movement
was in full swing, but he had unconventional ideas about the path to social
change. These ideas have never allowed him to become merely a careerist.
Although he decided to pursue social work, he was not interested in the
traditional curriculum of case work and group therapy. "I viewed
those areas as helping people manage oppression, and I wanted no part of
that," he writes. "I wanted to help end oppression."
He chose Western Reserve University (now Case Western Reserve) in Cleveland
because it offered a new area of social work that correlated with his
vision: community organizing. Throughout his life Fuller frequently
has had to make decisions to change jobs and projects to be able to pursue his
social justice vision.
While in Cleveland he had two experiences that profoundly impacted his thinking
and future work. First, he participated in a peaceful demonstration and
sit-in at the school administration building. The police came and he,
along with others, was beaten, taunted and charged with misdemeanors.
Secondly, a few weeks later he went to hear Malcolm X speak about the future of
the civil rights struggle a talk became known as “The Ballot or the Bullet”.
“And from the moment he opened his mouth, I was transfixed,” Fuller
writes. “The man was bold. There was a raw honesty and bravery
about Malcolm. He not only made perfect sense to me, but he connected to
something deep in my soul,” he continued.
One month after Malcolm’s talk in Cleveland, Fuller finished his Master’s
Degree. His scholarship stipulated that he spend one year working for the
Urban League, so he accepted a position as an employment relations specialist
at its Chicago office.
“I had much respect for the League and the role it played in the broader
community, but it became clear to me that it would not provide the platform for
me to do the kind of community organizing I yearned to do,” Fuller said.
It was the mid-1960s and there was a vast expansion in the United States of
programs and projects aimed at quelling the discontent in the African-American
community. Fuller accepted a job as coordinator of a North Carolina
antipoverty program, Operation Breakthrough -- the first of many leadership
positions he would hold throughout his life.
Fuller was troubled by living conditions for African-Americans in Durham, North
Carolina. "Though I'd grown up in public housing and spent my
earliest days in a poor southern community, I'd never seen poverty and neglect
like this," he said. "Dirt streets in the middle of town!
That was incomprehensible to me. Shotgun shacks were everywhere, and some
of them had no running water indoors. My heart hurt when I saw how my
people were living and how they had accommodated themselves to survive under
conditions that no human being should have to endure. Anger burned deep
inside."
Fuller's sentiments are not uncommon for African-Americans or for any humane
person witnessing such a situation. However, he did not despair.
"Far from feeling overwhelmed, it made me even more determined to figure
out how to change the conditions."
A
solution was right at hand. "It would shape my whole approach to the
work I wanted to do," he said. It was a 'potent, but
rarely-discussed line' in Section 202 of President Lyndon Baines Johnson's
Economic Opportunity Act. Fuller notes that ". . .it included a
mandate that antipoverty programs receiving federal funds must be developed,
conducted and administered with the 'maximum feasible participation' of
residents of areas and members of the groups served."
That constituted a 'eureka' moment for Fuller. "The provision said
to me that poor Black people, who had long been dictated to even by
well-meaning whites, should play a major role in determining what they needed
and how they should get it," he reasoned.
Fuller had rejected the standard concept that the people social workers serve
are 'clients'. He also considered 'professional objectivity' and sitting
in an office 'observing' anathema to what he really wanted to do.
He and his team went to work. His style of community organizing consisted
of going to churches, barber shops, pool halls, restaurants, and
residences. "We got started simply by knocking on doors to get to
know the people we were serving," he said.
From that moment in 1965 until the present, Fuller has sought to involve the
people who were being helped in determining their needs and strategies for
solutions.
Sometimes this method was criticized by the power structure, elected officials,
donors, and the media. For example, once a White North Carolina
Republican Congressman attacked both Fuller and Operation Breakthrough at a
press conference, calling for the program's suspension and Fuller's firing.
Although this did not happen, the Congressman did succeed in banning direct
participation in decision-making by the people served by the program. Two
years later Fuller decided to resign. For the next several decades Fuller
helped create many social and educational programs, always attempting to
involve those being served.
In the early 1970s he spent time in Africa, even going into "the
bush" with freedom fighters of FRELIMO, the armed units in Mozambique
seeking an end of Portuguese colonialism.
When he returned to the United States, he made a decision to return to
Milwaukee where he completed a Ph.D and began directing education
programs. In the early 1990s he was appointed as Milwaukee's
Superintendent of Public Schools. However, his ideas about education
reform including vouchers clashed with some school board members and the
teachers union.
"Just putting Black faces in high places will not change things because
often institutional arrangements will not allow that," Fuller said.
He did not believe that what he wanted to do as Superintendent could happen
with the established powers against him, so he resigned.
However, as in the past, 'when one door closed, another door opened'. In
2000 he became the first President of the Black Alliance for Educational
Options (BAEO), the first Black-centered parental choice advocacy group.
It is also one of the few Black-led organizations participating in the broader
education reform movement.
As he
looks back over the past 50 years, Fuller admits that there has been progress
for some African-Americans, but he is concerned that some segments of the
community seem to be trapped in poverty. "When I first landed in North
Carolina fifty years ago, I truly believed I could help end poverty," Fuller
concludes in his book.
"That youthful naivete vanished long ago," he continued.
"Education does not alter the fundamentals of the economic structure, but
we hope that by educating kids, they will be in a position to have an impact on
making structural changes in this country."
(This article appeared in
the April 2015 edition of the Denver Urban Spectrum.)
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